The focus is on student involvement in three particular popular cultural forms: film, television, and music. The data collected indicates that the extent of student participation in various popular cultural forms merits serious consideration to address this phenomenon in the school curriculum, educational practice, and classroom activities.
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All of these forms of national and popular culture reflect the conflicting and ever-changing anxieties surrounding national identity and the role of women in India. Unique identifying numbers for this thesis in the Digital Library or other systems. Theses and dissertations represent a wealth of scholarly and artistic content created by masters and doctoral students in the degree-seeking process. What responsibilities do I have when using this thesis?
Dates and time periods associated with this thesis. Sapre, Manasi. Showing of pages in this thesis. Use of this thesis is restricted to the UNT Community. Off-campus users must log in to read. Description This thesis examines the role of globalization, an open economy and diasporic experiences on the s popular Indian culture, focusing on discourses of gender, national identity and family. Who People and organizations associated with either the creation of this thesis or its content.
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Since time immemorial, child marriage has been amongst the greatest social evils present in India. Marriage is a sacred institution and basic social structure defining a society. It is between two individuals who are ready to accept each other. Child marriage is an abuse of Indian Culture Woman 1 Page. The objective of the paper is three-fold: first, to highlight the current status of women in Indian society in general and, in education, in particular; second, to throw light on social problems of The reason for this research lies in the fact that expansion of alternative media channels in India has triggered the new dimension of mass media channels especially in terms of its role in skill development process at grassroots level.
The aim of this research is Education Indian Culture Research 4 Pages. Throughout the entirety of my lifespan I have been able to interact with the diversity that the world has been able to offer. This is inclusive of the many people with different social backgrounds, different races, different beliefs and orientations, and different beliefs. This being Indian Culture Property 1 Page.
It is essentially in the nature of a payment in Documentary India Indian Culture 5 Pages. This series encapsulates the history of India. Like other great civilizations—Greece or Egypt, for example—over the millennia it has enjoyed not just one Indian Culture Tradition 1 Page.
Hand block printing is the traditional technique of India. It has been practiced for centuries. This fabric printing technique involves use of dyed and craved blocks of wooden. Beautiful patterns created on fabric by pressing those wooden blocks on it. Only single colour is used Ashwini Chandrashekar is an Indian actress, who stars in trilingual languages of Kannada, Telugu, and Tamil. She was born and brought up in Shimoga. Vietnamese culture: Status is more important than wealth: doctors, teachers or engineers are considered as high-status professions and whom traditional parents wish their children to become.
Education is the most importance: the higher your grade at school is or the higher your degree is, the Indian Culture 3 Pages. Women plays a vital role in forming the portrayal of Indian culture. Even though they are part of this formation, women hardly get any opportunity to talk about their opinion or give any suggestion, especially in a family context as families are mostly run under This development implies that the economy, once thought of as a sovereign level that dictated the form of society as a whole, must now be reconceptualized as a domain that is intimately connected to cultural norms and practices and is both determined by and generative of the semantic milieu we live in.
What is true of the economy holds true in equal measure for other areas of the social formation. Politics in modern democracies is so reliant on mass media, especially television, and on communicative strategies borrowed from the corporate world that it often seems indistinguishable from entertainment and advertising.
And even traditionally autonomous domains like education and religion have begun to internalize the modes of functioning-from relentless profit making to MTV style marketing-that characterize life outside their cloistered walls. The importance of culture, then, increase as areas of life previously thought to be independent of it begin to fall under its influence. This "culturalization" of the totality is accelerated by the processes of late capitalism which replace manufacture with service, material objects with representations, and citizens with consumers.
At the same time, television, movies and other forums of popular culture have begun to replace traditional authority figures like parents, schoolteachers and religious leaders as sources of information, advice and values. Consequently, the mass media now play an increasingly important role in shaping the beliefs and attitudes of younger people as well as offering them behavioral role models.
All these changes imply the following: popular culture is by far the most important instrument we have for thinking about ourselves, about others and about the entire world. How does one analyze texts and practices whose most visible function is to generate the thrills that are the core of modern life?
To begin with, we need to go beyond the judgement that a popular film or television show is just "entertainment". A hit film like Dilwale Dulhaniya Le Jayenge should not be regarded as merely a fix for an "escapist" urge; we need to recognize that it performs a crucial role in redefining notions of pleasure and consumption.
We must also resist the temptation to see popular culture as just a conduit for "dominant ideology". To read Dilwale Dulhaniya Le Jayenge as, say, an unreflective celebration of economic liberalization would be to miss its full import.
As practitioners of cultural studies have convincingly demonstrated, culture performs the complex and ambiguous task of negotiating between competing meanings and visions regarding our social being. Dilwale, for example, may be an advertisement for consumerism, but it simultaneously promotes a model of the family quite incongruent with the logic of late capitalism.
It focuses in great detail on traditional customs and values, but by featuring a Non-Resident-Indian NRI as its protagonist it also acknowledges the irrevocably global nature of Indian modernity. Thus, a fruitful study of culture must begin by recognizing that the popular is a complex domain in which the inner essence of a particular social formation is brought out in relief.
Such a study also takes for granted the commodity nature of popular art-the fact that it is typically mass produced by large organizations with a view to making profit. However, to focus exclusively on the manipulative aspect of this process is to run the risk of elaborating on the obvious. A more productive way to interrogate the texts of popular culture is to analyze them through the category of pleasure.
Whatever else the popular is, it is that which elicits intense positive affect. As Richard Dyer and Ginette Vincendeau put it in the introduction to their book on popular European cinema "There is a sense in which 'the popular' is what it is most popularly assumed to be: what people like. It is this methodological stance that informs much of the writing in this book. Thus, the intensity of passion surrounding cricket in contemporary India, rather than its aesthetic beauty or its sociological function, provides us with a clue about it actual meaning.
Again, the enormous satisfaction that audiences derive from song and dance routines in Hindi films demand that they be treated as serious artistic devices that contain a central truth about Bollywood cinema. My emphasis here should not be taken to mean that I am in any way supportive of the tendency-prevalent in some quarters dominant within cultural studies for a while-to celebrate pleasure as the site of empowerment and resistance.
In fact, as will be evident shortly, my take on cricket suggests the exact opposite. Nevertheless, any student of the popular who ignores the aspect of pleasure does so at risk to his own analysis. Only through an examination of the intricacies of he effect that culture produces can we come to an understanding of its latent meanings and its role in the constitution of subjectivity and society.
The importance I am granting to the analytical value of pleasure explains why, in this book, I have continued to use "popular" as a prefix before "culture" in spite of some recent pleas that we need to abandon the term.
Thus, Arjun Appadurai and Carol Breckenridge have proposed public as an alternative to popular on the grounds that "it appears to be less embedded in such highly specific western dichotomies and debates as high versus low culture. While I would concur with the claim that the "popular" in India bears little resemblance to that in the West, I would also argue that adopting "public" in its place lead to very little gain.
Such a formulation seems to suggest that our contemporary culture is locate and contained within the space of the nation. Yet, as the subsequent chapters in this book hope to demonstrate, modern Indian culture has always been transnational both in its content and in its appeal. Even as it helps to construct the nation, it incessantly transgresses its boundaries-film music has turned to African and Latin music for inspiration and has been hummed in the Caribbean and in Russia; Bollywood movies travel to Egypt and Japan and features characters living in London or New York; the Indian diaspora takes old art forms like bhangra and makes them utterly contemporary.
Indian culture exceeds the nation and it thoroughly global, and is therefore far better described by a term like "popular" which captures both its immense reach as well as the passionate following it enjoys. We may legitimately identify certain aspects of culture in past eras as "popular", but the popular, in its truest sense, can be said to exist only within the context of contemporary industrial society. This link between modernity and the popular derives from the vast economic, social and technological transformations that took place in the hundred years between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth centuries.
These changes first originated in the West, but soon spread elsewhere as a consequence of a colonial world order. Of the many developments that would alter the nature of societies, three were of special significance in terms of the making of popular culture.
Firstly, the spread of suffrage and of democratic principles meant that popular will and popular taste acquired a value it had lacked before. Where once culture belonged exclusively to the upper classes, now whatever appealed to the masses could also be a claimant to the status of art. Secondly, a series of technological inventions and innovations that included the photograph, the moving pictures, the phonograph, the radio and television, made possible the creation of cultural products that were easily reproduced and transmitted.
Insofar as all new artistic production was mass mediated, all "culture" was necessarily inserted into the domain of the popular. Finally, the consolidation of capitalism into its classic form facilitated the crystallization of art and entertainment into exchangeable commodities. Consequently, art could circulate alongside other commodities as part of the vast circuit of consumption that characterizes modern life.
India's status as a British colony meant that the social and technological changes described above reached the country soon after their emergence in the West. The process of creating a modern popular culture, therefore, got under way very early on: the first cricket club was started in , the first Indian movie was made in , and the first radio broadcast took place in The latter's task, broadly defined, was to create a nationwide space where entertainment, meaning-formation and the needs of advertisers could be negotiated.
In other words, popular culture functioned as a mediating term between individual desire and dispositions on the one hand, and the state and civil society, particularly the economy and the polity, on the other. In traditional western scholarship, the popular has been thought of as a site that expresses the will of the oppressed and the marginal. The politics of the popular, analyzed through the categories of class, race or gender, is therefore conceived of as one of opposition and resistance to the dominant order.
To take an example which I treat in some detail in Chapter 3, rock and roll has typically been seen as a sort of permanent revolution against the established order. Or again, a film like Thelma and Louise is interpreted as expressing the accumulated rage of women suffering under patriarchy. While these instances may indeed embody some sort of oppositional politics, it is doubtful whether popular culture as a whole is as "progressive" as the some practitioners of cultural studies want it to be.
Thus, one would be hard put to demonstrate how hit shows like CSI, Desperate Housewives or Seinfeld are to be construed as challenges to the socio-economic order. In a colonial formation like India, popular culture had to fulfil a far more complex and acrobatic role. The fact of Empire implied that not only did it have to perform the tasks I have just described; it simultaneously had to imagine a nation and a society that did not yet exist. That being so, the "politics from below" model is even less applicable in the case of India.
As I have indicated above, indigenous artistic production in the colonial period was, by dint of its location in a worldwide imperial system, necessarily implicated in the politics of empire. Entrusted with the charge of speaking for the Indian nation, popular culture tried to approximate swadeshi culture.
Many popular forms-the "mythological" in early cinema for example-consciously sought to build a consensus around the set of values that distinguished Indian culture as a whole. This impulse would be intensified in the post-independence era when, except for some stray leftist deviations, all popular art joined hands with the statist program of building a strong and self-reliant nation.
The process of imagining the nation by means of culture would acquire greater momentum after the coming of Independence: witness the incredible popularity of Mother India , the promotion of hockey as the "national sport" and the efforts to introduce an overarching musical culture through the agency of All India Radio.
What these instances exemplified was the shared assumption, on the part of producers and consumers of culture alike, that popular culture would provide the "glue" necessary to keep a disparate nation together. Only with the coming of liberalization would this nationalist urge become diminished and be eventually sidelined.
The following remark, by the diplomat-novelist Shashi Tharoor, is representative of the widespread belief in popular culture's unifying mission: Indian films, with all their limitations and outright idiocies, represent part of the hope for India's future. It is debatable as to what extent Indian popular culture has managed to fulfill the charge of providing a set of beliefs and values that apply to the entire nation.