Constitutive theory is a philosophical analysis of the logical interconnections between actors, their actions, and the social practices within which they perform these. It draws on insights from the later work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, as developed and extended by Peter Winch and John Searle. It highlights that actors and their actions can only be understood from within the practices in which they are constituted as actors of a certain kind, who have available to them a specific repertoire of meaningful action.
It stresses that the interpretation of their actions involves: understanding the language internal to the practices in which they take place; understanding the rule-boundness of that language; the meaning of its terms; a holist perspective on the practice; and, crucially, an understanding of the ethics embedded in it.
It briefly explores the implications of such a philosophical analysis for those seeking to understand the actors and their interactions in global practices. It highlights how international actors both states and individuals are constituted as international actors in two major international practices, the practice of sovereign states and the global rights practice.
It indicates the guidance constitutive theory might provide for all who would better understand international affairs. Cultural Diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy designates a policy field, in which states seek to mobilize their cultural resources to achieve foreign policy goals. The nature of those goals, and of the cultural resources mobilized to achieve them, has been subject to historical change, and a range of terminology has been used to designate this kind of policymaking in different national and historical contexts.
With the emergence of the modern state system in the early modern period, such display and exchange became an expression of formal diplomatic relations between courts, yet it is only in the 19th century that we see the emergence of cultural diplomacy in the sense it is understood today: It is no longer a matter of communication between rulers, but rather an expression of national identity directed at an international public.
Throughout the 19th century, cultural diplomacy was closely associated with the rivalry of the Great Powers, particularly in the colonial context. However, following the end of the First World War, cultural diplomacy increasingly came to be understood as a means to pursue ideological competition, a trend that became central to the cultural diplomacy of the Cold War.
The post—Cold War world has been characterized by a shift in the rhetoric surrounding cultural diplomacy, which now frequently contains an economic dimension, as states compete for markets, investments, and attention in the context of neoliberal globalization. Nevertheless, we also see a pluralization of strategies of cultural diplomacy, in which a range of actors tailor their approach to cultural foreign policy according to their own perceived position in a multipolar world.
Nevertheless, despite the continued popularity of cultural diplomacy in policymaking circles and the significant attention it has received from researchers in the 21st century, the assessment of the impact of cultural diplomacy remains a challenge. Culture and Foreign Policy Analysis. There are several conceptions of culture which have become dominant in foreign policy analysis FPA in particular: culture as the organization of meaning, culture as value preferences, and culture as templates for human strategy.
Prior to the s, the Cold War constraints of bipolarity had left little room for idiosyncratic domestic-level variables such as culture to affect FP. However, once systemic constraints lessened and the decision making milieu became more ambiguous, scholars increasingly turned to questions about culture and identity. Using classic frameworks as a jumping off point, early work on national role conception and operational code analysis incorporated culture as a significant filter for decision making.
Operational code analysis is another early approach that had elements of culture as part of the decision making context. But perhaps one of the most notable elements of FPA studies exploring culture is the idea that it need not be viewed as explaining whatever cannot be explained by anything else.
Instead of merely an alternative theoretical explanation of state behavior, use of culture in the post-Cold War revival and today reflects an effort not so much to refute neorealism but to look at different questions. International development has remained a key part of global economic relations since the field emerged more than half a century ago. From its initial focus on colonization and state building, the field has evolved to encompass a wide range of issues, theoretical problems, and disciplinary traditions.
The year is widely considered as a turning point in the study of international development. Three factors account for this: the end of World War II that left the US an economic hegemon, the ideological rivalry that defined the Cold War, and the period of decolonization that peaked around that forced development issues, including foreign aid, state building, and multilateral engagement, onto the global agenda.
A holistic conception of international development embraces methodological pluralism in the scholarly study of development, while recognizing the multiple ways policy practitioners may productively apply academic theories and research findings in unique settings. Since the early s, a significant amount of research has been dedicated to refining the causal mechanisms that lead to the diversionary use of force and the various conditions under which such diversionary actions are most likely.
This article focuses specifically on the latter—highlighting the research on the various conditions that create opportunities for states to utilize diversionary tactics—while also emphasizing how these opportunities are connected to specific causal processes for diversionary conflict. While significant attention has been paid to the domestic factors that provide additional opportunities for or constraints on actors to utilize diversionary force, less research has considered the international and dyadic opportunities for diversionary force and the interaction and interplay of these domestic and international, or dyadic, factors.
These international and dyadic factors specifically focus on those related to the potential target of diversionary conflict and are an important part of fully understanding the decision-making process of leaders contemplating diversionary tactics. Both the domestic and international opportunities for diversionary force identified in the literature will be considered, specifically those focusing on advancements made in understanding the international and dyadic dimensions of these opportunities and the characteristics of potential target states.
While the movement toward identifying various opportunities for diversionary behavior, both domestic and international, or dyadic, is an important pathway in diversionary research, this approach comes with some significant challenges. This problem is compounded as more opportunities for diversionary force are added to the mix—as these opportunities may, in themselves, provide motives for war. For example, rivalry and territorial disputes are shown as international opportunities for diversionary force, yet these factors are also known to be two of the most prominent causes of war between states.
Thus, parsing out diversionary motives from other fundamental national security motives becomes increasingly difficult. While quantitative studies can help uncover broad patterns of potential diversionary behavior, they are less equipped to fully explain the ways that various domestic and international opportunities might interact. Nor can these studies demonstrate whether diversion was actual present within specific cases. Case studies can help fill these gaps by allowing more in-depth analysis of these potential diversionary opportunities.
Overall, quantitative studies that help uncover patterns and qualitative studies that investigate diversionary tactics in a single case or set of cases are both important parts of the puzzle. To best understand diversionary conflict, researchers need to rely increasingly on both approaches. Societal factors such as public opinion, interest groups, and the media can influence foreign policy choices and behavior. To date, the public opinion and foreign policy literature has focused largely on data derived from the US, although this trend has begun to change in recent years.
Meanwhile, the study of interest groups as a domestic source of foreign policy is dominated by two points of emphasis: ethnic groups acting as interest groups and the US case. These are most often considered together. This ethnic interest group literature stands largely apart from the literature on trade interest groups, which takes its inspiration from the economics literature. Finally, two aspects of media are specifically relevant to media and domestic sources of foreign policy.
The first is the way the media serve as an arena of domestic political competition within democracies, and the second is the communicative role that media play in the formation of public opinions that are specific to and critical to foreign policy decision making. East Asia and Foreign Policy. The study of East Asian foreign policies has progressed in sync with mainstream international relations IR theories: 1 from perhaps an inadvertent or unconscious coincidence with realism during the Cold War to consciously using different theoretical tools to study the various aspects of East Asian foreign policies; and 2 from the dominance of realism to a diversity of theories in studying East Asian foreign policies.
Nonetheless, the old issues from the Cold War have not been resolved; the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait remain two flashpoints in the region, with new twists that can derail regional stability and prosperity. New issues also have emerged and made East Asia most volatile.
One issue is concerned with restructuring the balance of power in East Asia, particularly the dynamics among the major players, i. Japan, China, and the United States. Regionalism is another new topic in the study of East Asian foreign policies. A review of the current state of the field suggests that two complementary issues be given priority in the future.
Second, what could really elevate the study of East Asian foreign policies in the general field of IR and foreign policy analysis is to continue exploring innovative analytical frameworks that can expand the boundaries of existing metatheories and paradigms.
Energy, Security, and Foreign Policy. Next to national defense, energy security has become a primary issue for the survival and wellbeing of both developed and developing nations. A review of the literature shows how concerns for energy security acquired a new dimension after the collapse of the Soviet Union in , when the Western powers and a weakened Russia competed for the control of the Eurasia region and its energy resources.
Research has also focused on how different countries have developed a variety of strategies for securing their energy supply. Energy security literature can be split into three general sections: neoclassical economics and public choice, bureaucratic politics and public administration, and political economy.
Scholars have also explored regime theory, resource conflict, and the relationship between national energy security and foreign policy. Ethnic Lobbying in Foreign Policy. Much of the literature on ethnic lobby groups comes from either research on interest groups or ethnicity that looks to foreign policy cases, or foreign policy analysis studies that focus on the role of interest groups or ethnic groups. In the s and s, there was a burst of scholarly activity regarding ethnic interest group activism in US foreign policy, following the changes in American society and in the US Congress that emerged from the wake of Watergate, Vietnam, and the civil rights movement.
Later, the end of the Cold War brought a new burst of ethnic lobbying on foreign policy, and a new wave of scholarly attention to these issues. During both of these bursts of attention, studies predominantly focused on the activities of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee AIPAC , which was often seen as an exception to the rule that interest groups are not very significant forces in the foreign policy sphere.
Another source of research on ethnic issues and foreign policy is the emerging literature on ethnicity, the construction thereof, and the political development of ethnic communities over time. The three basic issues that stand out in the literature about ethnic lobbying on foreign policy include the formation of ethnic interest groups, the roots of ethnic interest group success, and whether ethnic lobbies actually capture policy in their respective areas, at least in the context of US foreign policy.
Meanwhile, the two level game perspective and the competition among ethnic groups needs further exploration. European Foreign Policy. As a research field, European foreign policy EFP is defined as the study of how certain European states manage their foreign policy responsibilities, whether individually, through coordinated national foreign policies, or through EU policies and institutions.
EFP effectively comprises at least three major research fields: traditional foreign policy analysis FPA or comparative foreign policy CFP ; theories of international relations IR or international cooperation; and the study of European integration. There are two major phases in the emergence of EFP as a research field: the first recognition of European foreign policy cooperation and some very limited conceptual innovation; and the period surrounding the advent of the Single European Act, which placed European foreign policy cooperation on a new institutional path that resulted in the reforms under the Treaty on European Union.
Foreign Aid. As a policy tool, aid has not been confined to the roles that foreign and economic policy theorists have prescribed for it. Foreign aid attracts controversy because it structures how global poverty will be addressed. The unrequited transfer of wealth from a weak nation to a stronger one is an ancient tradition, but the notion that it would be powerful nations transferring wealth to advance the economic development of weaker ones was virtually unheard of until the post-World War II era, particularly during the highly polarized Cold War climate.
During this time, aid was used as a means of competition between the United States and the Soviet Union for influence over Third World countries. Aid also became a tool for opening up the markets of the developing world and integrating them into the global economy. The fact that foreign aid has come to mean development assistance since has raised a series of questions debated in the scholarly literature. Moreover, it is universally acknowledged that donors use aid to achieve objectives other than development and poverty reduction.
Foreign Intervention and Violence Against Women. As countries around the world began to adopt new policies opposing violence against women, social scientists adept in both feminist theory and social science methods began the comparative study of these reforms. These studies pointed to the importance of the ideological and institutional context as structural impediments or opportunities as well as suggested the more effective strategic alliances between activists, politicians, and civil servants.
Those studies that attempt a deeper analysis rely upon indirect measures of effectiveness of policies and interventions, such as judging policy on how feminist it is and judging reforms based on the recognition of the relationship between violence against women and gender based hierarchies.
The next challenge is differentiating between the various types of intervention and their different impacts. For instance, the media may carry out a study by asking people to give their views about the pressing issues. Again, the media has various freedoms in developed countries as compared to the third world where the media is always restricted from commenting on the foreign issues. Foreign policies involving the military are considered high politics hence the media is not allowed to discuss the behavior of the state.
Major political parties usually support increased military budgets. Conservative political parties are perceived to be advocators of increased military spending while liberal and moderate parties tend to oppose such moves.
During the C old War, the states had to rearm themselves due to the nature of the international system. Tensions, struggles and varying ideological perspectives characterized the system. It was therefore the role of the political parties to determine how the military could be structured Fordham, Approving military spending was viewed to be the only solution in repositioning the state in the international system.
It can be deduced that political ideologies and manifestos affect the foreign policy making processes. Socialist and liberal parties are always against military spending while conservative parties tend to support military proliferation Abell, Socialist parties fear that the state can use weapons of mass destruction to terrorize innocent people while the fear of liberals is related to economics Cothren, Polarity means the distribution of power in the international system.
It usually affects the behavior of states in many ways. For instance, the superpower may demand that a certain policy be followed by other states in the international system. In the current international system, the superpower uses economic variables to ensure that other states follow its ideologies. Before the Cold War, polarity was never an important variable as it is in the modern international system.
The case of India would provide a deeper insight to the effects of polarity to the behavior of states in the international system. Pakistan was involved in a conflict with India for a long time. The two states were fighting over the Kashmir region believed to be endowed with natural resources. The Pakistani acquisition of nuclear energy forced the Indian foreign policy makers to change their strategy. The US had supported Pakistan because of the Afghanistan conflict.
Therefore, the US had to fulfill the desires and wishes of Pakistan. India decided to engage the US in order to develop nuclear program Sonmez, Foreign relations analysts in India observed that the nuclear program was not an effort of a political party or a regime. It was influenced by the changes in the international system. In , the NPT program had been extended by the superpower. The US president had threatened to ban any nuclear tests hence India had to move with speed and agility to conclude the program.
The US and India enjoyed close diplomatic and economic ties since they had signed a bilateral trade agreement. World leaders and actors in the international system feared that the two states could utilize their military capabilities to cause a disaster but nothing has happened to date.
An attempt by Pakistan to revive the Kashmir conflict was neglected by India. In the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament, foreign policy makers did not decide to wage war on the suspected states. India chose to handle the two issues diplomatically by reporting to the UN Security Council. In to , the superpower urged the two states to stop being aggressive and embark on negotiations to end tensions.
Even though the results were not optimistic, the two states promised to keep off from the Kashmir conflict. In , the state of affairs between the two states was shocking but the superpower once more intervened to calm the situation. The Indian authorities and American experts accused Pakistan of sponsoring a terrorist attack on the Indian Embassy in Kabul Atkinson, Sumit concluded that the changing events in the international system have offered an opportunity to Indian foreign policy makers.
Currently, the relations between Pakistan and India are still in doubt but India has established strong relations with the US. This gives it an advantage over Pakistan concerning major decisions such as the Kashmir issue. Scholars of foreign policy have always questioned the role of political parties and their ideologies in foreign policy making process.
The internal actors, which include political parties and pressure groups, question the credibility of foreign policies as regards to socio-economic and political benefits. Due to this debate, scholars have come up with various theories to explain the behavior of states concerning foreign policy making in relation to political parties. For instance, the convergence school of thought believes that developed states behave in the same way and tend to come up with similar solutions that are utilized in solving similar problems.
Due to these arguments, the scholars observe that political, institutional and educational variations do not affect policy-making process Lebovic, In responding to the above claims, foreign policy makers claim that political activities matter so much in foreign policy formulation. This school of thought underscore the fact that economic issues are important in understanding the nature of policy formulation but they add that politics is equally important.
From the analysis, two schools of thoughts emerge. One of it is the politics matter school while the other is the convergence school, which does not believe in political variables such political parties and ideologies. Christopher Hill posits that scholars have attempted to relate the intrinsic tribulations of agency and political decision making to the meticulous milieus of foreign policy. By focusing on the actors in the international system, the nature of the environment that actors operate in is not demarcated from the actors.
The scholar therefore notes that this discrepancy should be checked. In his view, the international system is made up of states, as well as other units comprising political, and cultural forces. He analyzes how states relate in the external environment and utilizes the works of Hedley Bull to explain some relationships in the international system.
In this regard, the international system is anarchical meaning that it does not have a central authority that can dictate policies. He states that both elements of cooperation and conflict exist in the international system. At times, states find themselves being influenced by rules, norms and expectations. These aspects shape the behavior of states in the international system. The scholar assumes that the international system has some distinctive aspects including economics, politics and the logic of knowledge.
In the economic front, the system contains structures of trade, manufacture and assets. Politically, the scholar posits that the system is concerned about competition in the global politics. It pertains to the distribution of resources in the international system. In the system still, economics interact with politics to come up with something different. Therefore, economics will always affect the position of the state in the international system.
Powerful states, with powerful economies will always be at the top while states with poor economies will always occupy low positions. Military spending in the developed states is strong implying that the most developed states are usually powerful in terms of military capability Fordham, From the above literature, it is true that many scholars have their own views as regards to what affect policy formulation.
Therefore, there is a gap in literature as to what exactly affect the foreign policy making process and the quality of policies. Some scholars observe that domestic variables affect the quality of decisions. These variables include governmental politics, regime types and the type of government. Each type of government has its own system of forging foreign policies.
For instance, coalition governments behave differently from presidential and parliamentary governments. For instance, in Germany, the main party wins elections and invites the minority party to form the government. The minority party may sometimes force the main party to adopt unpopular policy.
In Iran, the foreign decisions are made by the Ayatollah. Scholars holding this view are perceived to be embracing bureaucratic politics model. Furthermore, scholars with view are viewed as liberalists in their orientation. In the above literature, some scholars focus on the systemic variables. Such scholars do not open the black box that is found within the state. They emphasize that states do not formulate policies based on the domestic variables.
States form policies based on the events in the international system. Such scholars believe that the modern international system is anarchic and states must respect the current order in case they are to coexist peacefully. Due to this fact, only systemic variables influence the formation of foreign policies.
Since the scholars with this view the state to be a rational actor, they employ rational actor model in explaining the process of policy formulation. Furthermore, they are realists in their orientation. Abell, J. Military spending and income inequality.
Journal of Peace Research , 31 1. Atkinson, R. Defense spending cuts and Regional Economic Impact: An overview. Economic Geography , 69 2. Brown, G. Optimizing military capital planning.
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